-By A LeN Special Correspondent
(Lanka-e-News -26.April.2025, 11.00 PM) In an unusually forthright address to the media, the Director General of Sri Lanka’s Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC), Mr. Ranga Dissanayake, issued a stern warning to politicians seeking to discredit the newly empowered body tasked with combating corruption in public life.
Speaking following the presentation of the country's new National Anti-Corruption Strategy, Mr. Dissanayake underlined that the 2023 Anti-Corruption Act (Act No. 9 of 2023) had been expressly designed to establish a powerful, independent commission free from political interference — a landmark reform intended to mirror international standards observed in jurisdictions such as Hong Kong.
In recent weeks, however, a number of political figures have openly criticised the Commission’s activities, suggesting that prosecutions initiated by the body amount to little more than politically motivated retribution. Such rhetoric, Mr. Dissanayake cautioned, could constitute contempt under the very law that Parliament had only recently passed — a law these same politicians had themselves endorsed.
“I urge all politicians who stand before microphones and issue statements to first read the Anti-Corruption Act they so enthusiastically passed in Parliament," Dissanayake remarked pointedly. "Do not denigrate the Commission without understanding the law. If you do, there will be consequences.”
The Director General drew particular attention to Section 118 of the Act, which explicitly provides mechanisms for prosecuting individuals who engage in acts deemed to be contempt of the Commission. Furthermore, he noted, the Act removes the Commission from the clutches of ministerial control, placing it squarely under the oversight of Parliament — and Parliament alone.
“The Commission is no longer a department under a ministry," he explained. "We are funded directly via allocations approved by Parliament. Our staffing is separate. We are, for the first time, structurally independent of the executive.”
He added, with scarcely veiled menace, that he was "observing closely" whether politicians' remarks crossed the line into actionable contempt.
Mr. Dissanayake’s comments come at a fraught moment for Sri Lankan politics, as long-simmering allegations of grand corruption erupt into a torrent of investigations. Since the enactment of the 2023 Anti-Corruption Act, the Commission has opened investigations into no fewer than 300 cases of large-scale corruption and fraud — many of them involving ministers and high-ranking officials from previous administrations.
Significantly, Mr. Dissanayake disclosed that many of these complaints had languished unexamined for years, some gathering dust under prior governments reluctant to pursue allegations against their own. Now, he vowed, investigations would be concluded swiftly, and prosecutions would follow where evidence warranted.
“There will be no sacred cows,” he said bluntly.
Among those being scrutinised are ministers from both the previous and current governments, further fuelling the perception that Sri Lanka’s political elite are united only in their discomfort at the sudden threat of accountability.
In another significant announcement, Mr. Dissanayake revealed that by 1 March 2026, the Commission’s powers would be decentralised, with district-level offices established to expedite investigations nationwide.
"This is not merely a Colombo-centric operation," he said. "We are building a network to ensure no complaint goes unheard, no matter where in the country it arises."
He acknowledged, however, that overcoming public cynicism would not be easy. For decades, Sri Lankans have watched successive waves of anti-corruption promises dissolve into political theatre, while high-profile figures escaped justice.
Echoing President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s recent remarks on Anti-Corruption Day, Mr. Dissanayake acknowledged the prevailing perception that "only small fish are caught in the net while the big ones break through."
“This sentiment," he conceded, "is deeply entrenched. But with the mechanisms established under the new law, we have the tools to change it — provided there is the political will to let the Commission act without interference."
A particular feature of the 2023 Act, Mr. Dissanayake noted, was its deliberate stripping away of executive influence. Even appointments to the Commission's staff are now governed by independent procedures, a sharp departure from the patronage-laden systems of the past.
“Our mandate is not to serve any government or any party. It is to uphold the law," he declared.
Asked whether the Commission was prepared to act against serving government ministers if warranted, Mr. Dissanayake’s answer was unequivocal: "If the evidence is there, yes. This law allows it. And this Commission will do it."
Yet for all Mr. Dissanayake’s confidence, it is clear that political resistance is mounting. Several senior politicians, speaking under condition of anonymity, have described the Commission's actions as "selective," and hinted darkly at "settling scores" under the guise of reform.
Such claims are precisely what Mr. Dissanayake's warning was designed to head off.
"Alleging political motivation in ongoing cases without basis undermines public confidence," he said. "It is contemptuous. It is dangerous. And it is against the law."
Legal analysts broadly agree. “Under Section 118, contempt of the Commission can be referred directly to the Supreme Court," noted Dr. Priyantha Abeywickrema, a constitutional lawyer. "This is a powerful safeguard against politically motivated attempts to derail investigations."
However, the proof of the Commission’s independence will lie not in rhetoric but in results. If politically influential figures — regardless of party — are seen to face justice without fear or favour, then public confidence may yet be restored.
If not, the Commission risks becoming merely the latest in a long line of institutions compromised by the very forces it seeks to challenge.
In concluding his remarks, Mr. Dissanayake returned to a simple but powerful plea: that Sri Lanka's political class recognise the gravity of the moment, and act with the restraint and responsibility that the times demand.
“This is not about politics," he said. "It is about the future of our nation. Corruption has robbed our people for far too long. If we do not seize this opportunity to change, we may not get another.”
It was a sombre warning — and one that will doubtless resonate beyond the marbled halls of the Commission's headquarters.
For now, the battle for Sri Lanka’s soul continues — in the courts, in Parliament, and, perhaps most crucially, in the court of public opinion.
-By A LeN Special Correspondent
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by (2025-04-26 17:33:57)
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