-By A Special Correspondent
(Lanka-e-News -05.Dec.2024, 11.30 PM) Sri Lanka’s political landscape is at a crossroads, and at the heart of the current discourse is a pressing question: why has the National People’s Power (NPP) government failed to appoint a Muslim Cabinet Minister? This issue has sparked deep discontent within the Sri Lankan Muslim community, which overwhelmingly supported the NPP in the recent elections, hoping for representation in the government.
While the NPP leadership argues that their Cabinet appointments were based solely on merit, qualifications, and experience, the absence of a Muslim voice in the Cabinet has created ripples of dissent among a community that has historically faced marginalization and discrimination.
The Muslim community in Sri Lanka, which constitutes around 10% of the population, has traditionally been a vital voting bloc in elections. In the 2024 elections, the NPP made significant inroads into this demographic, gaining support from Muslims disillusioned by the mismanagement and discriminatory policies of previous governments.
The All Ceylon Jamiyyathul Ulama (ACJU), the foremost body of Islamic scholars in Sri Lanka, openly endorsed the NPP. Many other prominent Muslim organizations, Ulama, and community leaders rallied behind the party, impressed by the NPP’s commitment to unity and secular governance.
NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s vocal opposition to policies that targeted Muslims—such as forced cremation during the COVID-19 pandemic and delays in reforms to the Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act (MMDA)—further solidified this support. For the first time in decades, a segment of the Muslim population felt that a left-leaning, secular party understood their struggles and was willing to advocate for their rights.
Despite this historic support, the NPP has defended its decision to exclude a Muslim Cabinet Minister. According to senior NPP officials, Cabinet appointments were made purely based on merit, avoiding the entrenched practices of distributing portfolios along ethnic and religious lines.
The NPP’s approach reflects its long-standing ethos of creating a society that transcends race, religion, and caste. In theory, this is a commendable goal, especially in a multi-ethnic country like Sri Lanka, where divisive identity politics have often been exploited for political gain. However, the practical implications of this idealistic approach have left the Muslim community feeling alienated and undervalued.
As one senior NPP member remarked, “We are trying to build a Cabinet that serves all Sri Lankans equally, regardless of their background. It’s not about representation by numbers; it’s about qualification and expertise.”
While the NPP’s position aligns with the principles of a developed democracy, Sri Lanka’s socio-political reality is far from such maturity. For decades, ethnic and religious identities have played a pivotal role in shaping public opinion and political alliances. In a nation scarred by civil war and communal tensions, the absence of visible representation can often be perceived as exclusion, even if unintentional.
The Muslim community’s frustration stems not only from a lack of representation but also from the symbolic importance of having a Muslim leader at the decision-making table. For a community that has endured decades of systemic discrimination, such representation serves as reassurance that their concerns will not be overlooked.
This exclusion has become particularly glaring given the NPP’s promises of inclusivity and justice during the election campaign. While the party’s commitment to meritocracy is laudable, the absence of a Muslim Cabinet Minister has inadvertently provided ammunition to political opponents, who now claim that the NPP is indifferent to minority grievances.
The discontent within the Muslim community is palpable. Prominent figures in the community have openly expressed their disappointment, while grassroots-level NPP supporters feel betrayed.
“It’s not just about having a Muslim Cabinet Minister. It’s about trust,” said one community leader. “We supported the NPP because we believed in their promises of equality and representation. But now, it feels like our voices don’t matter.”
The ACJU, which played a key role in mobilizing Muslim support for the NPP, is also facing criticism from within the community. Having staked their reputation on the NPP’s ability to deliver change, the organization now finds itself in a precarious position, struggling to justify the government’s decisions to their followers.
The political fallout of this decision could be significant. With provincial council and local elections on the horizon, the NPP risks losing the trust of the Muslim electorate.
Sri Lanka’s political opposition, including the United National Party (UNP) and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), has already begun to capitalize on the issue. Their narrative is simple but effective: the NPP has taken Muslim votes for granted and failed to deliver representation.
If the NPP does not address these concerns, there is a real possibility that the Muslim vote could swing back to the opposition or to smaller Muslim-led parties. This would not only weaken the NPP’s hold on power but also undermine its vision of a unified Sri Lanka.
The current predicament is particularly painful for those who have long been aligned with the leftist movement in Sri Lanka. Historically, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), from which the NPP emerged, has enjoyed strong support from Muslim intellectuals and activists.
During the dark days of the 1988-89 insurgency, several Muslims sacrificed their lives for the JVP’s cause. One such figure was student leader Nasmi, who was brutally murdered by the UNP government. His martyrdom remains a poignant reminder of the shared struggles and sacrifices that have shaped the leftist movement.
The absence of a Muslim Cabinet Minister has reopened old wounds and sparked a broader conversation about the NPP’s commitment to its Muslim allies.
Beyond symbolic representation, the Muslim community’s concerns are also practical. With their global networks and diaspora connections, Muslims play a crucial role in Sri Lanka’s economic and diplomatic relations.
Having a Muslim liaison in the Cabinet could help the NPP leverage these networks, strengthening ties with Muslim-majority countries and attracting foreign investment. It would also provide a platform to address community-specific issues, such as education, business development, and religious freedom.
To its credit, the NPP has emphasized its commitment to building a society free from the shackles of identity politics. However, this vision requires careful navigation, particularly in a country as diverse as Sri Lanka.
The NPP must recognize that the transition to a merit-based system cannot happen overnight. Until the public fully embraces this new political culture, visible representation will remain essential for building trust and fostering inclusivity.
The party’s leadership has a responsibility to engage with the Muslim community, acknowledge their grievances, and explore ways to address their concerns without compromising its principles.
For the NPP, this issue is not just a test of its political strategy but also of its leadership. How the party navigates this controversy will determine its ability to govern a multi-ethnic, multi-religious nation.
By fostering dialogue, demonstrating empathy, and making strategic adjustments, the NPP can turn this challenge into an opportunity. But failure to act could have lasting consequences, both for the party and for Sri Lanka’s fragile democracy.
In the words of a senior Muslim leader, “The NPP has the potential to bring real change to this country. But change must be inclusive. If they fail to understand that, they risk alienating not just the Muslim community but all minorities who have placed their trust in them.”
As the NPP charts its path forward, one thing is clear: the question of representation is not merely a political issue—it is a moral imperative. The eyes of the nation are watching, and the time for decisive action is now.
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by (2024-12-05 18:49:40)
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