-By investigative team
(Lanka-e-News -29.Nov.2024, 7.20 AM) If corruption were a theatrical art form, Rishard Bathiudeen would be its undisputed maestro, capable of dazzling the most discerning audience. With lands spanning across Mannar, Puttalam, Colombo, and beyond, and accusations involving billions of rupees in dubious transactions, Bathiudeen’s name has become synonymous with scandal. Yet, the ex-minister continues to evade justice, largely thanks to political immunity and the inertia of successive governments.
Two brave whistleblowers, Razik Mohamed and Mohamed Fuzil, have stepped forward, lodging complaints with Sri Lanka’s Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC). They’ve provided damning evidence of Bathiudeen’s alleged mega-corruption, from land grabs to fraudulent projects. Despite their efforts, investigations have stalled under every administration from Chandrika Kumaratunga to Ranil Wickremesinghe. With the advent of a new National People's Power (NPP) government, Razik and Fuzil believe there’s hope for justice—but they know they face an uphill battle.
In 2009, Sri Lanka’s war-torn Northern Province saw the launch of two ambitious recovery initiatives: the Resettlement Project and the Northern Spring Program. What was meant to rebuild lives became, according to Razik, a goldmine for Bathiudeen. Under the pretext of rehabilitation, the ex-minister allegedly facilitated the acquisition of 4,500 acres of prime land on Mannar Island.
Razik and Fuzil claim these lands were forcefully seized from local communities, many of whom lacked the resources to fight back. Once in Bathiudeen’s control, the land was allegedly sold to the Indian conglomerate Adani Group for billions of rupees through intermediaries tied to the ex-minister. Ironically, Bathiudeen later joined local protests against Adani’s wind power project, presenting himself as a defender of the people.
"He's like a magician who conjures scandals from thin air," remarked Fuzil. "First, he sells the land, then he protests against its use—how’s that for audacity?"
The Mannar affair is just one chapter in a much larger book of corruption. Razik and Fuzil allege that Bathiudeen acquired 750 acres of land in Puttalam, using his ministerial clout to sidestep legal processes. Meanwhile, in Colombo, his real estate holdings are estimated to be worth over 1 trillion rupees, including a prime 120-perch plot in Torrington Square—a location synonymous with prestige and power.
"Rishard didn’t just acquire land—he colonized wealth," said Razik. "He turned his political office into a real estate agency for himself and his family."
If Bathiudeen’s land acquisitions are jaw-dropping, his mastery of fraudulent projects is nothing short of Oscar-worthy. Take, for instance, the infamous "non-existent road" scandal. According to evidence provided by the whistleblowers, Bathiudeen’s Ministry of Resettlement and Disaster Relief Services awarded a 22 million rupee contract to Wahid Construction, a company owned by his close family members.
The contract was to build a 10-kilometer road connecting "Wepum Kulam" to "Chilawaturai." The catch? The road exists only on paper. Nevertheless, an invoice was issued, and the funds were promptly disbursed.
"It’s as if he thought no one would bother to check if the road was real," quipped Fuzil. "He deserves an Oscar for his performance as a concerned minister."
One of Bathiudeen’s most remarkable feats is his ability to survive—and thrive—across multiple administrations. From Chandrika Kumaratunga to Mahinda Rajapaksa, Maithripala Sirisena, and Ranil Wickremesinghe, Bathiudeen has remained a fixture in Sri Lanka’s political landscape.
Razik and Fuzil allege that this longevity is no accident. "He’s a master manipulator," said Razik. "He knows how to play the political game, offering loyalty to whoever is in power while quietly building his empire."
While many victims of Bathiudeen’s schemes have been forced into silence, one name stands out: Siddique Master, a landowner who fought back against Bathiudeen’s alleged land grab in Mannar. According to Razik, Siddique Master faced relentless harassment and intimidation before his untimely death.
"His story is a reminder of the human cost of corruption," said Fuzil. "People like Siddique Master are the real heroes, even though they often pay the ultimate price."
The whistleblowers also claim that Bathiudeen wasn’t just a practitioner of corruption—he was an educator. "Rishard is the man who taught Basil Rajapaksa the finer points of fraud," alleged Razik. "If Basil is the king of corruption, Rishard is his guru."
Whether this claim holds up under scrutiny remains to be seen, but it paints a vivid picture of Bathiudeen’s influence in Sri Lanka’s murky political waters.
With the election of the National People's Power (NPP) government, Razik and Fuzil believe there’s finally a chance to hold Bathiudeen accountable. The new administration has promised sweeping anti-corruption reforms, and public expectations are high.
"People are tired of impunity," said Razik. "If the NPP wants to prove it’s different, it needs to start with Rishard."
Bathiudeen’s alleged crimes are not just a personal failing—they’re a symptom of a broader system that rewards power over principles. Successive governments have turned a blind eye to corruption, allowing figures like Bathiudeen to operate with impunity.
For Razik and Fuzil, the fight against Bathiudeen is about more than one man—it’s about dismantling a culture of corruption.
"Rishard isn’t just a person; he’s a symbol of everything that’s wrong with our system," said Fuzil. "And symbols can be broken."
As investigations into Bathiudeen’s alleged corruption remain stalled, the ball is now in the NPP government’s court. Will they take decisive action, or will Bathiudeen continue to elude justice?
For now, Razik and Fuzil are standing firm, despite the risks. "We’re not going anywhere," said Razik. "This is our country, and we won’t let it be stolen by people like Rishard."
The nation watches, hopeful that this chapter will end not with impunity, but with accountability.
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by (2024-11-29 01:48:47)
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